Recent research on terrorism has explored the phenomena via
the lens of principal-agent relations. It’s a good avenue to pursue. Such
scholars as Max Abrahms and Jacob Shapiro, among others, have pointed out the
profound theoretical implications of looking at terrorism by distinguishing
between terror leaders and subordinates.
Most importantly, as these scholars rightly point out,
terror groups aren’t unitary actors that automatically and always move in a
lock-step direction. Rather, terror groups consist of some sort of hierarchy of
senior leaders and foot soldiers, and, depending on the group, all sorts of
unsavory of players in between. As such, we can think of terror group as very
much akin to organizations, bureaucracies, and institutions. Put simply, we can
observe terror group members, much like individuals within conventional
organizations, with varying degrees of power, differing interests, and
divergent motivations.
Let’s look closer at the distinction between principals, or
the leaders, and agents, or the subordinates. Research by Abrahms and others have uncovered the following things.
Principals: relative to agents, principals have more power,
better access to resources, are more knowledgeable, and tend to think more
strategically.
Agents: relative to the principals, agents lack power and
resources, aren’t as knowledgeable and sophisticated, tend not to think
strategically, are more motivated by narrow, selfish concerns (promotion,
making a name of oneself, etc.) than group interests, and might not even share
the ideology/political platform of the group.
Because of their positions within the group, principals and
agents have different incentives and motivations to commit terrorism, which
impacts how groups carry out terrorism, who they target and whether they take
credit for such violence. Moreover, through the prism of principal-agent
relations, we can see terror groups as complex and messy, often plagued by
in-fighting, turf battles, power struggles, and ideological fissures.
The next step in this research program is to address more
fully the microfoundations of the principal-agent dilemmas at work in
terrorism. In particular, what is needed is a specification of who the
principals and agents are within terror groups. In streamlined, local groups,
conceivably, it can somewhat easy to identify leaders and their subordinates. As
an example, Hassan Nasrallah, the leading figure within Hezbollah, seems to
green and red light much of what the group does, at least big picture plans and
activities. It’s probably makes sense to point to him and his cabal as the main
principals within Hezbollah.
But what about in groups like al-Qaeda and ISIS, which are
global organizations with affiliates and cells worldwide? Who are the leaders
and subordinates in these groups? Maybe it’s the self-declared headquarters in
Raqqa and Mosul and the mountainous Af-Pak area for ISIS and al-Qaeda,
respectively. If you buy that argument, then, it would seem, all other
affiliates and cells are subordinates. In this case, then, what’s most
important is the location of the group and where that group sits within the
overall hierarchy of the organization. That’s a plausible way of looking at al-Qaeda
and ISIS.
But the problem is that there’s another way to identify the
principals and agents within ISIS and al-Qaeda. Perhaps the top dogs in
al-Qaeda and ISIS central and all of their affiliates and cells—i.e., the top
layer of political and military actors across the entire organization—are the
principals; and all other individuals, regardless of where their group is
located, are subordinates. Here, the location of the group isn’t the crucial
factor; instead, what matters most is whether one controls or has access to the
instruments of decision-making, the ability to coordinate, plan and implement
plans. In other words, we can think of an executive class as existing across
the organizations of al-Qaeda and ISIS, and it is these individuals who are
principals.
To illustrate this dilemma further, let’s go to the
corporate world. Take McDonalds as an example. Perhaps the principals are the
executives who work in the company’s headquarters in Oak Brook, Illinois. If
so, then all of the franchises are subordinates. But maybe the principals
really are the individuals who are empowered to make decisions within the
company. In this case, that would include some, though not all, folks who work
in Oak Brook, but also those workers within specific franchises who make
decisions, such as store managers and assistant store managers.
But we can expand this muddiness even further. For example,
what about the terror organizations that have separate political and military
wings? Who counts as leaders in these groups? Perhaps the senior level
personnel in both wings are the leaders. But what if one side—either the
military or political wing--has power more influence and power than the other? Maybe
it’s that subset of the overall organization—or more specifically, the senior
level individuals of that subset—that are the leaders.
The main point I’m getting at is the necessity of operationalizing
both principals and agents within scholarly research designs. One way to get
around this is for scholars to define and operationalize these terms as is
appropriate and relevant to their specific studies. Put simply, scholars can explicate
operational definitions as they relate to their own specific statistical and
case studies. This is a study-contingent approach.
But can we do more? Can we can go beyond this? And does it
make sense to do so? In other words, can we derive more generalizable
conceptual and operational definitions of principal and agent? In other words,
can we create and apply a set of definitions that’s germane to a wide class of
cases? And should we try to do so? In one sense, terrorist groups do vary
widely, in terms of size, ideology, or structure, tactics and strategy, and so
on, which could make this task difficult. But in another, maybe we can put
forward a generalized set of definitions for groups that do look and act
similarly. Further theoretical and research insights can—and I hope will—address
this point.
This topic is something I—and terrorism scholars more
generally—need to think more about, to be sure. But for now, I think it’s
sufficient to begin a dialogue on the importance of scholars thinking more clearly
and more explicitly about the principal and agent relations in the context of
terrorist organizations. I hope this blog post does just that.
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